Falsehood Jakarta Method [CIA] and Toppled 'Marie Antoinette Families' in Jakarta Due to Increased Inequality, Nepotism: Tale of Regret from Indonesia and U.S.

Indonesians are not that stupid to be driven by foreign interests." Protesters, pro-democracy activists dismiss 'belittling' claims of CIA’s backing during hashtag #PERINGATANDARURAT and also hashtag #KawalPutusanMK protest. President elected [elected by Election last Valentine or February 14th] Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo recently said the 1998 protest was caused by 'foreign powers.' Literally Prabowo is one of best graduate US military academy circa 1970s.

In last 10 days, the Indonesia Police brutality was well documented in the student protest in Jakarta, Bandung, Semarang, Makassar and other cities in Indonesia. Police fired teargas, beat protesters & bystanders including children, with batons. President Jokowi remains mum about student protests in Indonesia, and or giving unclear response. Jokowi often avoids journalists during sensitive time.

In recent weeks, President Joko Widodo or Jokowi has conducted two press statements at the Presidential Office Complex, Jakarta, in the form of "doorstop interviews". However, these interviews were allegedly staged since no actual journalists were involved. 

The first statement, on August 21, 2024, addressed the Constitutional Court's ruling on the regional head candidacy threshold and age requirements. The second statement, on August 27, 2024, concerned the demonstration against the ratification of the Regional Election Law revision.

In both videos shared on the Presidential Secretariat's YouTube channel, only a few individuals were holding recording devices, with no television station microphones or follow-up questions from journalists.

Additionally, in the August 27 video, voices could be heard as if journalists were greeting the President, but they were actually still in the press room. The Secretariat Press Bureau did not inform the journalists about the interviews, which were released unexpectedly after the journalists were about to leave.

Netizens and activists criticized these staged interviews, questioning their authenticity.

The staged interviews occurred during a sensitive time, following the mass demonstration against the Regional Election Law revision in multiple cities. The demonstrators opposed the revision, which could have annulled the Constitutional Court's decision and allowed Kaesang Pangarep, Jokowi's youngest son, to run in the regional head elections.

The government and the House of Representatives (DPR) ultimately failed to ratify the bill, and Jokowi adhered to the Constitutional Court's decision.

Last week, the state head also appeared to avoid journalists. For example, when attending the Nasdem Party Congress in Jakarta, he ignored journalists who were blocked by party security personnel.

Last year, journalists were denied access to cover press statements and interview Jokowi at Soekarno-Hatta Airport on Monday morning, October 16, 2023. The incident occurred as the president and First Lady Iriana were preparing to depart for China and Saudi Arabia.

The media crew sought to inquire about the Constitutional Court's decision regarding the lawsuit challenging the age limit for candidates in the Election Law No. 7 of 2017. This decision had legalized Jokowi’s oldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as Prabowo Subianto's vice presidential candidate in the February 2024 election, despite being under the required age at the time.

As an Indonesian in my early 30s, the election last February [again, Prabowo won] marked the 4th time that I cast my vote in a presidential election. During my first election [2009], I was still like a deer in the headlights, listening to what my mom [my dad passed away June 2000] said and believing in the “excellent” candidate they voted for, and actually voluntarily to be [accidental] election staff or committee in secluded area in Tanimbar, a Moluccan island, Indonesia - Australia border.

My second time voting should have been simpler [election 2014], but despite being equipped with a political science degree and actually I already works for Indonesian Parliamentary and [for some moment] works to help [whistleblower-ing] corruption scandal and rape scandal , I find myself facing pressure and a feeling of uncertainty as I cast my ballot again. As it turns out, voting among three presidential candidates was harder than I thought.

Third time [2019], I was ‘pro-infrastructure’ and so, I put my choice for candidate with ‘pro-infrastructure.’

2024 or this year, I feel but regret that in 2014 and 2019, I vote for Soeharto 2.0

Information about the candidates for election 2024 is just a click away for over 210 million Indonesians with internet access. This should have helped them choose their champions. The endless streams of social media content within our 8-hour screen time window should have made our choosing process easier. The political discourses we overheard in food stalls, toilet queues, and rest areas would have made our choice clearer. Or so we thought. 

Voting for the long-awaited leader, a prominent figure essential in guiding our nation toward Indonesia’s proposed Golden Age (Indonesia Emas), has been different. A portion of the weight of our nation’s future and dreams rests on the pierced papers I shovel into the ballot box. 

What kind of candidate would be wise enough to provide strong leadership, yet be a compassionate source for the country to solve the problems that young Indonesians face?  

First, it is overwhelming to dip toes into the water and learn about Indonesia’s political currents. While ideal and theoretical forms of governance and democracy are taught in class, I learned that our surroundings use different lenses in navigating their attitude toward politics. It may be difficult because their decades-old hopes have worn down and melted into an attitude of political apathy. It may be impossible because they have no trust left in the national leadership. It may be challenging because the older generations deem the youth to be ‘too idealistic’ and inexperienced to have high hopes for this election.

The Political Socialization theory outlines this phenomenon by understanding that political attitudes, engagement, and behaviors are relatively influenced by external factors. While young citizens have not yet established their political inclinations and are open to influences in their early experiences, previous generations have determined their preferences and behavior as they progress through their lifespans. The experiences they have obtained from various political socialization processes, represented by the apathetic responses toward elections, may portray a subtext of distrust toward authority figures. The causes vary among individuals: representation gaps, systemic corruption culture, policy failure, and many personal reasons eroding their expectations of the elected leaders.

Second, “walking a tightrope” might be the best fitting figurative statement for beginning to contemplate making footprints on the land. With an estimated 56 percent of the general voters being youths and millennials, it is upon our shoulders that the nation’s future is laid. Sharing similar doubts and uncertainties, most of my peers chose to be swing voters until the last minute of the election.  We waited, not because we do not know what we are looking for in a leader, nor because we cannot see the values most aligned with ours. But we waited because we were not really sure we could choose the right leader for us amidst subtle campaign noises and chaos all around us. 

Learning from the Transformational Leadership approach, a leader is vital in encouraging individuals to become leaders through the nurturing of motivation, morale, and performance. By having a people-oriented leader, citizens would have a secure environment to be inspired, challenged, and develop their own capacities for contributing to the country the next day. 

As crucially as it sounds, it is upon our shoulders, as the next generation of leaders, to be aware of the political ecosystems we have to maintain and not succumb to the pit of apathy like some previous generations. Youths must not be easily polarized or pulled in different directions. Youths must stand on solid principles, bravely defending their beliefs, and be strong enough not to compromise their principles. The nation’s burdens are ours to carry as the next generation of leaders. 

Youthful spirits have always been the cornerstone of this country. "Give me 1,000 elders, I shall rip the Semeru mountain out of its roots. Give me 10 youths, I shall undoubtedly shake the world'".

This is the famous quote by our first president, Sukarno, which has echoed for more than seven decades since Indonesia stood on our independent lands. After hearing the quote countless times and now, facing today’s election in a more hopeful light, I have finally understood. 

President Sukarno believed in the power of harnessing 10 youths, not one, not two; he took 10 spirited youths, a collective mass that is quite small in numbers, but big enough to shake the grounds. All it takes is 10 passionate youths to not cease to learn, care, and fight for causes that are close to their hearts, that being hopes for bridging quality education for the children, bringing a better healthcare system that is inclusive and accessible to all villages, and guaranteeing the prosperity of our people at home. 

We stand our ground by keeping our youthful spirits, and we can push this country toward our Indonesia Emas 2045 dream. A country that is independent, united, sovereign, just, and prosperous.

7 Months after election, today September 1st I already acknowledge that ‘Soeharto 2.0’ feat Prabowo is really dangerous to fabricated social media informartion since [at least] October 2023 until Election Day [February 14th, 2024]. If my beloved girlfriend regret to vote Democrats because right now Democrats kills at least 186,000 [number of June 2024, research by The Lancet, as US government suppply at least 65 percent weapon for Israel], so, I regret to vote Soeharto. Just 6 hours ago, my beloved very busy isn;t medic directly try to help Gaza but also part of U.S. Party for Socialism and Liberation or PSL, as PSL [one of] platform is stop the war by or funded by United States including in Gaza.

Sea Limited CEO Gang Ye [10th richest billionaire in Singapore; globally ranked 984th] is rumored to have provided a private jet for President Jokowi’s son, Kaesang Pangarep, and his wife, Erina Gudono. SEA Limited, based in Singapore, owns Shopee and the gaming giant Garena (known for Free Fire). The Straits Times [one biggest media in Southeast Asia] of course know that last January, multiple tycoons, billionaires of Singapore visit IBU KOTA NUSANTARA Otorita Ibu Kota Nusantara (Nusantara Capital Authority) -- new capital city of Indonesia, because The Straits Times also part of delegation. President Jokowi sent a special taskforce Maruarar Sirait, ex PDIP, to accompany the Singaporeans.

According to The Prevention of Corruption Act (PCA), the primary anti-corruption legislation in Singapore, “gratification” includes —

(a) money or any gift, loan, fee, reward, commission, valuable security or other property or interest in property of any description, whether movable or immovable;
(b) any office, employment or contract;
(c) any payment, release, discharge or liquidation of any loan, obligation or other liability whatsoever, whether in whole or in part;(d)any other service, favour or advantage of any description whatsoever, including protection from any penalty or disability incurred or apprehended or from any action or proceedings of a disciplinary or penal nature, whether or not already instituted, and including the exercise or the forbearance from the exercise of any right or any official power or duty; and(e)any offer, undertaking or promise of any gratification.

Back to youth.

The public is angry at Jokowi family's extravagant lifestyle, even as protests engulfed Indonesia. Reflection of public outrage over Jokowi's attempt to entrench his political influence and his family's lavish lifestyle. Not only is Jokowi and his nepo babies get the dressing down that has been a long time coming. But incoming President Prabowo is getting an early lesson in FAFO (f**k around, find out). Indonesian youth should have more space to share their defiant, revolutionary ideas, with minimal mediation by older adults.

For more context: with Paetongtarn Shinawatra as Thai PM, and Prabowo-Gibran assuming power in Indonesia in October, six of Southeast Asia's ten nations will be led by family dynasties and or nepo babies.

Read full story

Another context, new research by School of Social and Political Science at the University of Sydney as shown that family dynasties are more common in democracies than authoritarian systems. Political nepotism has made many women national leaders, particularly in Asia - from Megawati Sukarnoputri to Paetongtarn Shinawatra. So far, Erina Gudono, wife of Kaesang, currently get a nickname Javanese Marie Antoinette, [was] have desire to be Regent of Sleman District in Yogyakarta province, a special province in Indonesia.

Hereditary politics is typically associated with monarchies or authoritarian states, but new research shows leaders who are related to former leaders are very common in democracies.

Canada's Justin Trudeau and George W Bush in the US are famous examples — and in Indonesia, India and Pakistan, women leaders have risen to power after their famous fathers. Hereditary democracy is unfair and prevents voters from having the best and brightest elected representatives.

An exploration of the spectacles of Indonesian youth cannot begin without noting their critical role in the country’s political shifts. The determination and uprising that define young people in Indonesia go beyond a simple inclination for rebellion; it is evidence of their strong longing for transformation. They challenge not only the limitations imposed by their society but also those of their own situation. Moments when young people take to the streets, demanding changes from the government, reverberate throughout Indonesia’s history. Young people navigate precarity in their everyday life.

Yet, for all their defiance and creativity, Indonesian youth continue to grapple with precarity and lack of support. Perhaps it is time we pay greater attention to what young people need and what they do to change Indonesia for the better in their own terms. More space to share their ideas with minimal mediation by older adults – the need is urgent. There are layered differences amongst the youth – of gender, sexualities, ethnicity, class, location, educational backgrounds, and many others.

5.1 million views. Arguably ‘Tom Hanks of Indonesia’ and in real number of revenue, highest pai actor in ASEAN / Southeast Asia — currently the most popular Actor in Indonesia, Reza Rahadian Matulessy, join a nationwide protest in Indonesia. Reza explained that he voluntarily [in secret / unpublished, but he told to very senior Indonesia journo Rosiana Silalahi] in NGO for empowered poorest people, and also [trip secretly] to multiple secluded area in Indonesia

Francisca C. Fangidaej, grandmother of Reza Rahadian

In recent years, Southeast Asia has faced significant challenges in its democratic processes. Thailand’s 2014 military coup and the recent court-ruling ordering the dissolution of the Move Forward Party led to an ostensibly democratic government viewed as authoritarian. Malaysia, once seen as a promising democracy, has been plagued by political scandals and claims of electoral manipulation. In the Philippines, the election of Ferdinand Marcos Jr and Sara Duterte into presidency has raised discussions about the concentration of political power within established political families. Against this backdrop, many question whether Indonesia will follow suit.

In addition to venting their anger over the Regional Elections Law revision, on Thursday week ago [August 21] people also poured their deep-seated resentment of Jokowi, who has done everything within his power to solidify his political dynasty. The mass action during a rally rejecting the ratification of the Revision of the Regional Election Law in front of the House of Representatives Building. The protest is part of Indonesia's emergency warning movement that went viral on social media after the House of Representatives maneuvered to ignore the Constitutional Court's decision. 

Jokowi and his supporting political parties might have thought that they could do just about anything and get away with it. But clearly, they couldn't. In what could be the most tumultuous week for the country in the past five years, a nationwide protest erupted on Thursday as the House of Representatives was attempting to pass an amendment to the Regional Elections Law that would betray the very principle of the rule of law. The political parties, almost all of which have aligned with the Onward Indonesia Coalition (KIM) that supports president-elect Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo, had pushed for the revision that would strengthen their dominance in the November regional elections and allow Jokowi's youngest son Kaesang Pangarep to contest a gubernatorial election. 

They sought to overturn two Constitutional Court rulings that were issued to prevent political cartel practices by the KIM. The coalition, for one, had joined forces to block opposing tickets. The KIM had also sought to nominate 29-year-old Kaesang as a deputy gubernatorial candidate in Central Java. The Constitutional Court ruling upheld the Regional Elections Law provision that sets the age limit for candidates at 30 years old. The House’s amendment move resulted in civil disobedience. People from all walks of life, from students to professionals, organized themselves within hours and took to the streets to fight back against the ruling elites’ contempt of the court’s rulings, which are final and binding.

It was the largest wave of protests that the country has seen since the demonstrations against the new Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Law in 2019. In addition to venting their anger over the Regional Elections Law revision, on Thursday people also poured their deep-seated resentment of Jokowi, who has done everything within his power to solidify his political dynasty. Many were caught off guard when Jokowi's eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, who had previously been considered ineligible to run in the presidential election, became Prabowo's running mate, and won the race. 

It might have worsened on Thursday had Jokowi and his allies in the House insisted on betraying the people by bending the law to serve their own interests. In a direct response to the protests, Gerindra, which was in charge of the House plenary session to pass the law revision in the absence of many politicians, including those from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), withdrew the law revision. Gerindra later also dropped its nomination of Kaesang and replaced him with Taj Yasin Maimoen of the United Development Party, the former deputy governor. In an about-face, the House and the government said they would abide by the court’s rulings. 

As the political party of the president-elect, Gerindra’s commitment will ensure a smooth government transition in October and fair and peaceful regional elections in November. The entrenched patronage culture in the country’s political system dictates that other parties may want to support Gerindra’s regional head candidates in hopes of joining Prabowo’s incoming cabinet. Gerindra can dispel the trend by limiting its intervention and letting KIM members name their own candidates. This may come at the expense of losing in some regions, but it would allow candidates who receive popular support to contest. 

By allowing democracy to thrive, Gerindra and the president-elect will receive stronger support from the people of the country. Strong public confidence will create political and economic stability that the Prabowo administration needs.  As the former son-in-law of Soeharto, the dictator that was forced to resign because of public uprising in 1998, Prabowo has come a long way. He should not let himself be on the wrong side of history yet again. As the incoming leader, Prabowo should stand with the people and protect them at all costs.

Having overcome great obstacles, Indonesia’s position on the Freedom House democracy index continues to slip backwards. In the recent 2024 presidential election, President Joko Widodo (Jokowi)’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, was paired as Prabowo Subianto’s vice president candidate through a controversial Constitutional Court decision that altered the age criteria of candidacy. The two won the elections, marred with allegations of election fraud and nepotism.

3 Months ago Jokowi recently inaugurated another ‘part of dynasty, conglomerate’, Thomas Djiwandono, Prabowo’s nephew, as Vice Minister of Finance. Meanwhile, Bobby Nasution, Jokowi’s son-in-law, is currently nominated to run for Governor of North Sumatra via the support of Gerindra (Gerakan Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Movement), a party founded by Prabowo, which won third place in the last parliamentary election, gaining 13.2 per cent of national votes.

The appointment of Deputy Finance Minister Thomas Djiwandono, nephew of Indonesia's Defence Minister and President-elect Prabowo Subianto, at the Presidential Palace in Jakarta in July (Yasuyoshi Chiba/AFP via Getty Images)

A healthy democracy requires strong opposition. But to foster such competition requires a shift in political culture.

As a local scholar has argued, Indonesia’s democratic processes have historically been formed by pragmatic quid pro quo collaboration between elites. No political party in Indonesia really holds onto ideological principles in deciding its political stance on public policy. Only two parties are viewed as having distinct ideologies: the nationalist-leaning Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Islamist-leaning Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

These two parties are often considered the country’s remaining opposition. However, PKS recently endorsed Bobby Nasution (Jokowi’s son-in-law) as a candidate for the Governor of North Sumatra. PDI-P is still undecided, having had a messy fallout with Jokowi, a one-time member.

Civil society groups have served a substantive opposition role, having consistently criticised Prabowo’s campaign for his past record of human rights violations during the country’s 1998 uprising against the former Suharto regime, and Gibran’s decision to become Prabowo’s running mate while his father was still in power. But these civil society groups suffer a power imbalance against the ruling coalition.

They also face another crucial challenge: to remain relevant and appealing, particularly to Indonesia’s young electorate, in the midst of growing social media use by established political players.

An opposition must offer an alternative … not about demonizing populist politicians but presenting a nuanced alternative that inspires hope and optimism and somehow dominates the algorithm.

For the first time ever, more than half of the eligible voters in Indonesia are aged between 17 and 40. This makes Millennials and Gen Z a decisive force in shaping the future of Indonesian politics. This demographic is diverse and highly demanding. Appealing to these digital natives, with Indonesia ranking high in the world for social media use, means employing more than just traditional ideological rhetoric – this demographic wants a vibrant and engaging approach, real solutions, and are hungry for hope as well as entertainment.

The opposition cannot just have good ideas, they must also have national “rizz” (as the young people would say).

Ironically, Jokowi showed the way. His tilt for the presidency was presented via a “new hope” agenda, along with his rock concerts and informal checked shirts. Like Barack Obama’s earlier presidential campaign in the United States, both leaders effectively utilised social media to engage younger voters and promote their policies.

Similarly, recent campaigns by Prabowo and Gibran demonstrated the growing importance of digital engagement in political contests. Utilising platforms such as TikTok and partnering with influential figures, they successfully reached a diverse and youthful voter base.

A strong and effective opposition cannot simply criticise the status quo. They must offer an alternative, a campaign that induces optimism instead of cynicism, with showmanship that promotes truth and democratic values. It’s not about demonising populist politicians, but presenting a nuanced alternative that inspires hope and optimism and somehow dominates the algorithm.

Indonesia’s trajectory will have implications beyond its borders. As Southeast Asia’s largest democracy, its success or failure in upholding democratic principles will influence neighbouring countries. A robust Indonesian democracy could inspire pro-democracy movements across the region, countering growing authoritarianism in places such as Thailand and Malaysia. Conversely, if Indonesia continues to backslide, it could embolden authoritarian leaders in the region and diminish hopes for democratic progress.

This gives Indonesia’s upcoming regional elections, or Pilkada, significance far beyond the nation’s borders. Expected in November, the Pilkada is a second test for Indonesia to see the emergence of an alternative powerbase that can hold the ruling coalition to account. Held simultaneously in 545 regions, consisting of 37 provinces, 415 regencies, and 93 cities, these elections offer an important chance for Southeast Asia to illustrate whether democracy can thrive in a region where it has been increasingly challenged.

In the words of young people, Indonesia’s democracy cannot take another L.

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Again, by Jennifer Koonings, one brightest member CODEPINK Alert

Jennifer Kooning and her friend Samantha, and also another codepink CODEPINK Alert CODEPINK’s Newsletter founding member Ann Wright ann Wright

Medea Benjamin

Medea’s Substack

co founder CODEPINK

At least 12-13 days Jennifer Koonings, PMHNP, MS, MS, NYSAFE , one brilliant CODEPINK Alert CODEPINK’s Newsletter under Medea Benjamin, hunger strike outside White House in the wake US complicit Genocidal Gaza. This is [click link] her writing as member of CODEPINK Alert CODEPINK’s Newsletter. Jennifer is Certified Forensic Examiner for Adults and Children, really full knowledge about sexual assault, such as sexual assault by Israel to every Palestinian, like NYT reporting [photo uploaded].

We as Muslim prohibited to fasting at least 6 days for entire year [365, or 366 in leap year]. 2 Days Eid Fitr / Eid el-Fitr [1 Shawwal and 2 Shawwal / Syawal Syawwal], Day of Eid Adha / Eid el-Adha [10 Dzulhijjah / Dhul-Hijjah - today], and days of Tashriq [11^th, 12^th and 13^th Dhul-Hijjah / Dzulhijjah, or in Gregorian Calendar 2024, the days of Tashriq means 17-19 June]. But doesn’t mean prohibited for ‘less eating or hunger strike.’ As sacrifice in DC at least 13 days by Jennifer Koonings just because her protest about Gaza, I keep ‘eating less’ not only for her but also for Palestine, at least until 19 June. And for June 20th, back again for nonmandatory fasting, normally 17-18 hours, as even Jennifer, with her gut, sacrifice herself for Gaza. Wisdom quote I hear since war [Israel - Gaza] nonstop ‘’...You can't make people care about a genocide happening right in front of their eyes. They either do immediately, or a chip is missing up there, and they never will.’

For solidarity, since she started to hunger strike, I put myself eat 1 very tiny plate/day for break the fasting and for entire day after, extreme fasting 16.5 hours [based on my location]. I’m still continued for hunger strike, because its very easy. In last 17 years, I already [minimum] 340 days / year to fasting [29 - 30 days for mandatory fasting for muslim, ramadan session, the rest is voluntary fasting / sunnah]. Photo Jennifer with ann Wright, retired retired US Army and also [Ann] retired State Department. Sometimes I’m fasting up to 22 hours / day because forgot to break my fasting.

Reflecting On My Hunger Strike for Gaza

Medea Benjamin Medea Benjamin Medea’s Substack and Jennifer Koonings Medea Benjamin

link GFM / GOFUNDME

footage by CODEPINK Alert CODEPINK’s Newsletter, multiple nurses in DC, after humanitarian duty in Gaza

PCRF

Please keep donating to [1] PCRF / Palestine Children’s Relief Fund or [2] Freedom Flotilla.

As PCRF pictures by Dr Rajha in Gaza, Ariana Grande - Butera, and CODEPINK Alert

Jennifer Koonings PMHNP, MS, MS, NYSAFE part of CODEPINK AlertJen

Unlike Israeli and pro zionist student [very easy] get a money [thanks for multiple billionaire], contrary, Palestinian very hard to get a money [like encampments across the world]. Link attached by CODEPINK Alert Jen Jennifer Koonings PMHNP, MS, MS, NYSAFE is Nagham, same healthcare worker like Jennifer but in Palestine. 3 Months ago is Nagham’s birthday. Link to donate. Nagham is still alive.

Jen Jennifer Koonings, PMHNP, MS, MS, NYSAFE. Abdelrahman is still alive after Rafah bombing 3 weeks ago

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Yellow Flower, Jennifer Koonings in Betlehem [around 3pm local time West Bank, 5 weeks ago], nearly same exact result voting UNGA [11.17am NYC - Rockefeller Building of United Nations], 143 votes in favor, nine against, and 25 abstentions for Palestinian membership.

Footage by mine. Minutes before Jennifer

Jennifer Koonings literally singing also for foundation - charity movement Sing for Hope. How golden heart.

her mine

My mine. Doppelganger cat

Love you, Jennifer Koonings PMHNP, MS, MS, NYSAFE. Dont know how deteriorated of you after Hunger Strike