Impediment to Peace Diplomacy

18yr old killed by Hamas was buried. Her dad is captive in Gaza. Not single Bibi's representative attended her funeral. This how gross Bibi, and how Bibi just think genocidal in Gaza, not for Israeli

Plestia Bosbos Alaqad. Symbol of Gaza

DC and Dearborn 6.56am / Jerusalem - Gaza Strip - Tel Aviv 1.56pm / Berlin 12.56pm / London 11.56am [367 hours of war, still continue - Day 14 war] BREAKING NEWS live update trilingual [hebrew - arabic - english] click here. More than 5,000 Palestine in Gaza alone killed [1,873 children] by Israel. Maybe 6,000 - 6,500 because still a lot of victims under the rubbles.

There has to be a way to call for a ceasefire and ensure safety of Palestinians while also addressing the need to debilitate Hamas and restore safety for Israelis, while at the same time demanding a solution that ends the siege/occupation.

Saudi Arabis’s former intel chief and ambassador to the US Prince Turki al-Faisal gave a recent speech blasting both Hamas for its onslaught on October 7 as well as the longheld policies of successive Israeli governments that he says helped lead to the current bloody situation. As since Oct 7t Biden put himself as hawkish, indirect signal from DC put Tel Aviv enjoy with long-term plan, as several Israeli confirming ‘minimum 10 years of war to ethnic cleansing entire Palestine.’

Turki al-Faisal

While Prince Turki al-Faisal may no longer be in government, he still is seen as close to the royal palace and he appears to be the most prominent Saudi figure yet to specifically condemn Hamas. Maybe, Prince Turki al-Faisal influencing how finally MbS [Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman] using ‘heinous’ to Israel, even [if compare] 3 weeks ago normalization between 2 countries so nearby. A thought exercise: take a step back, look around at the region, imagine the Saudi-Israeli normalization deal had moved a bit faster and America and Saudi were bound in a "mutual" defense treaty, and try to imagine how on earth any of that would work right now. To [re]create again normalization talks after senior Israeli said ‘10 years, minimum’, potential duration IDF v HAMAS right now, we may just say goodbye forever for every normalization step between Israel and Arab countries [not only Saudi].

In DC, we don’t know ‘two face’ Biden will work prudently or not in November 2024. And don’t know if MbS, at least reflected with ‘rare’ wording ‘heinous’ to Israel after barbaric bombing in AL - AHLI / BAPTIST Hospital, also put himself to be hawkish. Wider war in the region is very vulgar by global optics. Some people or analysts even said MbS try to ‘harsher’ rather than King Faisal in 1970s. Maybe MbS literally try ‘harsher’ [than the late King Faisal] because influence by Prince Turki al-Faisal.

King Salman and Crown Prince MbS

“I categorically condemn Hamas’s targeting of civilians of any age or gender, as it is accused of. Such targeting belies Hamas’s claimed to Islamic identity,” Prince Turki says in an address at the Baker Institute for Public Policy at Rice University in Houston on Tuesday. The regional stakes are much higher than in 2021, when the risk of a broader war was near-zero and the damage to America's reputation was less grave. There are profound near-term risks to Biden's approach that simply didn't exist in 2021.

“I also condemn Hamas for giving the higher moral ground to an Israeli government that is universally shunned, even by half of the Israeli public as fascist, miscreant and abhorrent.

The ‘hawkish’ Biden and ‘no blink’ to backing support for Netanyahu is a result of his temper finally blew up because no longer patience about Saudi - Israel normalization, which Saudi Crown Prince MbS [Mohammed bin Salman] intentionally and repeatedly giving a sour commentary about progress of normalization. Hamas attack just catharsis, fuel to fire, for Biden’s temper. Biden seems don’t care anymore for Muslim America and Arab America because he’s losing temper to MbS, and Palestine - Israel just fueling it.

If we try to see very fair, with massive protesters in US soil, lookalike Biden gambling to ‘full support’ for Netanyahu is big blunder for his reelection 2024. Biden’s core voters, only 27 percent support Biden genocidal-full support for Israel. Relatives similar [other poll by QUINNIPIAC] young voters still vote Biden after first-10 days Palestine - Israel war only 25 percent.

Pretty much the worldwide consensus since the early 1990's, if not before -- blocked by reactionary Abrahamic "faith-based communities" in the US (born again Christians), Palestine (rejectionist Islamist fanatics) & Israel (religious chauvenists & extremist settlers). This succinctly describes the dynamic of the conflict between Israel and Palestine that has emerged in Jerusalem. In recent years.

If you don't under that those who weaponize faith drive events & dominate the discourse, you will no understand contemporary Jerusalem.

In Jerusalem, Netanyahu has spliced the settler DNA into the operations if all governmental and municipal authorities, & outsourced governmental authorities. At this point, there is virtually no daylight between the settlers, Temple Mt. movement and the Government of Israel. There are no less pious people on the planet than Trump and Netanyahu. But just as policy in Jerusalem was and continues to be driven by those seeking to relocate Biblical Jerusalem, in DC policy was shaped by end-of-days, and promoted by the likes of Pence and Pompeo.

US Embassy in Jerusalem, alert, about humanitarian aid in Rafah Border

Despite the agony, because of it, Israelis demand a national accounting for what made the military disaster possible: the hubris, complacency & delusions of Netanyahu & his government. Netanyahu knew, ex-Israeli PM Ehud Barak said in 2019, “that it’s easier with Hamas to explain to Israelis that there is no one to sit with and no one to talk to. If the Palestinian Authority strengthens… then there will be someone to talk to.”

Ex-IDF chief Gadi Eisenkot said in 2022 that Netanyahu acted “in total opposition to the national assessment of the National Security Council, which determined that there was a need to disconnect from the Palestinians and establish two states.” Israeli must demand a national accounting for what made the military disaster possible: the hubris and complacency and, most of all, the delusions of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government.

Israeli settlements are likewise absent from the war narrative. After all, Israel evacuated its settlers from Gaza in 2005. For some Israelis, indeed, this war is proof that the evacuation was a mistake—one that should not be repeated in the West Bank.

And yet, the West Bank settlement enterprise played multiple roles in creating the current crisis, and one critical implication of the war is that the settlements are a security burden that Israel cannot afford.

Let’s go back to the 2005 withdrawal from Gaza—the Disengagement, as then-prime minister Ariel Sharon named it. Over his military and political career, Sharon had promoted settlement as a strategic tool to prevent Israeli withdrawal and a Palestinian state; he had personally drawn the map of settlements in occupied territory. So his decision to dismantle those in Gaza stunned the country.

But leaving Gaza was a general’s choice to pull back on one front to save the majority of his forces. As Sharon’s close aide Dov Weissglas described his thinking, the Disengagement was intended as a “bottle of formaldehyde” in which then-President George W. Bush’s diplomatic push for negotiations with the Palestinians could be kept lifeless and inert. Diplomacy, Sharon correctly foresaw, could lead to an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. He preferred to leave Gaza unilaterally, while holding the West Bank and its settlements.

The existence of two separate Palestinian governments became a crucial impediment to peace diplomacy.

Pulling out without a peace agreement, without international forces in place, and without measures to strengthen the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority (PA) rule meant, however, that Sharon’s government “threw the keys over the fence,” as Israelis said at the time. Two years later, Hamas exploited the PA’s political weakness and seized control of Gaza. In any rational analysis, this was a disaster for Israel. Hamas, a terror organization opposed to Israel’s existence, now had a much freer hand to launch attacks against Israel.

The existence of two separate Palestinian governments—the PA in autonomous areas of the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza—also became a crucial impediment to peace diplomacy, for even if Israel were to reach an agreement with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah-led government in Ramallah, it would not include Gaza—and would not end the conflict.

For just that reason, Benjamin Netanyahu chose to treat the Palestinian split as advantageous. Netanyahu returned to the prime minister’s office in 2009 after a ten-year hiatus and has ruled almost continuously since. Despite public zigzagging, Netanyahu’s overarching goal has been to keep the West Bank under Israeli rule. The Palestinian split served that goal. Alongside repeated rounds of fighting with Hamas, Netanyahu has allowed the organization to develop its unrecognized mini-state in Gaza. The 2011 deal in which Israel released over 1,000 prisoners for one soldier held by Hamas fit that pattern. So did the later policy of letting Qatar fund the Hamas regime. As ex-general and leading Israeli strategic analyst Shlomo Brom recently wrote, Netanyahu “replaced the political process with a strategy of ‘divide-and-conquer.’”

Meanwhile, settlements have continued to grow. They’ve been particularly a priority for Netanyahu’s current and most hawkish government, in which ultranationalist finance minister Bezalel Smotrich—himself a settler—also has responsibility within the Defense Ministry for settlements. Another sign of government priorities: The Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, which oversees military policy, is controlled by the governing coalition. Before the war, according to the official listing of its agenda, the full panel hadn’t held one meeting this year on the army’s readiness for an attack from Gaza. (The minutes of one meeting are classified, leaving a slim chance it was about Gaza.) Multiple meetings were devoted, however, to settlements and security on the roads between them.

In the West Bank, the rising violence—by Palestinians and by settlers—reportedly led to the Israeli army increasing its troop strength to as much as twice the normal level in the months before the October 7 Hamas attack. When the war began, units that normally would be on the Gaza border were reportedly deployed in the West Bank. The army now claims that the extra units in the West Bank weren’t pulled from the Gaza border, but from training courses. If so, that’s a less direct, but still significant way in which protecting settlements left the army less prepared for war.

To that I’d add: Even in quieter times, soldiers in highly trained units critical to security have told me of being sent to rotating duty guarding small West Bank settlements, including tiny outposts that are illegal even under Israeli law.

Since the war began, clashes in the West Bank have only increased. Israel has called up massive numbers of reservists. Many of the reserve units have reportedly been sent to the West Bank, so that regular army units can be shifted to the Gaza front.

Add it up: Contrary to an old Israeli myth, settlements don’t contribute to the country’s security. The opposite is true: They are a drain on the military in normal times, and all the more so in wartime. Even if one were to accept the supposition that Israel has no peace partner and must hold the West Bank militarily purely for defensive reasons, even that purpose is undercut by settling Israelis there. Purely for defensive purposes, the wise policy would be to stop settlement construction and to start encouraging settlers to move back inside of Israel.

But the larger strategic reality is that Netanyahu has aimed at making sure that Israel doesn’t have a peace partner. His claim, in essence, has been that Israel can continue the settlement project and manage the conflict, rather than seek a peaceful resolution. That claim collapsed in horror on October 7. Some 1,300 Israelis—there is no final number yet—were killed that day, most of them civilians. The war that Hamas ignited that day continues to claim Israeli lives and ever more Palestinian lives.

It would be absurd to try to report the future—to predict how this war will continue or how it will end. If, in the most optimistic scenario, it leads to renewed diplomacy, the West Bank will be as important as Gaza, and Israel will finally have to accept that a secure future does not include settlements.

Dr Ghassan Abu Sitta is British - UK citizen, his duty in Baptist Hospital Gaza, owned by Anglican - [primate[ Archbishop of Canterbury and [supreme governor] King Charles III. Get bombed by Israel. Footage Dr Ghassan Abu Sitta with Plestia Alaqad just around 15 hours after Baptist Hospital under Israel bombardment

Israeli settlements are likewise absent from the war narrative. After all, Israel evacuated its settlers from Gaza in 2005. For some Israelis, indeed, this war is proof that the evacuation was a mistake—one that should not be repeated in the West Bank.

And yet, the West Bank settlement enterprise played multiple roles in creating the current crisis, and one critical implication of the war is that the settlements are a security burden that Israel cannot afford.

Let’s go back to the 2005 withdrawal from Gaza—the Disengagement, as then-prime minister Ariel Sharon named it. Over his military and political career, Sharon had promoted settlement as a strategic tool to prevent Israeli withdrawal and a Palestinian state; he had personally drawn the map of settlements in occupied territory. So his decision to dismantle those in Gaza stunned the country.

Plestia Alaqad, Palestinian, Gazan, beg to you

But leaving Gaza was a general’s choice to pull back on one front to save the majority of his forces. As Sharon’s close aide Dov Weissglas described his thinking, the Disengagement was intended as a “bottle of formaldehyde” in which then-President George W. Bush’s diplomatic push for negotiations with the Palestinians could be kept lifeless and inert. Diplomacy, Sharon correctly foresaw, could lead to an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. He preferred to leave Gaza unilaterally, while holding the West Bank and its settlements.

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rewrite again list 55 artist urge cease fire [16 of them, Jewish] =

Alia Shawkat
Alyssa Milano
Amanda Seales
Amber Tamblyn
America Ferrera
Andrew Garfield
Ani DiFranco
Anoushka Shankar
Aria Mia Loberti
Ayo Edebiri
Bassam Tariq
Bassem Youssef
Bonnie Wright
Caroline Polachek
Cate Blanchett
Channing Tatum
Cherien Dabis
Darius Marder
David Cross
Dev Hynes
Diplo
Dominique Fishback
Dominique Thorne
Dua Lipa
Elvira Lind
Farah Bsaiso
Fatima Farheen Mirza
Hasan Minhaj
Hend Sabry
Ilana Glazer
Indya Moore
James Schamus
Jeremy Strong
Jessica Chastain
Jessie Buckley
Joaquin Phoenix
Jon Stewart
Kehlani
Kristen Stewart
Macklemore
Mahershala Ali
Margaret Cho
Mark Ruffalo
May Calamawy
Michael Malarkey
Michael Moore
Michael Stipe
Michelle Wolf
Miguel
Mo Amer
Natalie Merchant
Oscar Isaac
Quinta Brunson
Rachel Sennott
Ramy Youssef
Riz Ahmed
Rooney Mara
Rosario Dawson
Rowan Blanchard
Ryan Coogler
Sandra Oh
Sebastian Silva
Shailene Woodley
Shaka King
Simi Haze
Stephanie Suganami
Susan Sarandon
Tommy Genesis
Vic Mensa
Victoria Monét
Wallace Shawn
Wanda Sykes
Yara Shahidi

PRADA

Plestia Alaqad | بلستيا العقاد is Journo in Gaza. Telco Ministry of Israel cut off internet to Gaza since 00.00 Saturday but at least 3 ‘popular Gazans’, literally in inside Gaza, Refaat [tweets 11am local time], Jason Shawa [tweets 7am local time], surgery doctor UK - Palestinian citizen Dr. Ghassan Abu Sitta to say hi ‘we still alive, but don’t know next day. Situation in Rafah border still chaos.

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